In an age where power speaks the language of strategy and diplomacy, the passing of Roman Catholic theologian and Dominican priest Gustavo Gutiérrez in October last year, and the Aga Khan IV earlier this month, serves as a reminder that faith is not merely a private belief system but also a force that shapes the world. Their deaths are not just a loss of spiritual luminaries but a moment to acknowledge how religion – often dismissed in global affairs – has been an architect of international order over the centuries.
Indeed, within the corridors of diplomacy, where treaties are signed and alliances forged under the cold logic of realpolitik, an undercurrent flows unseen: the influence of religion. While international relations (IR) scholars have long scrutinized the secular forces shaping geopolitics, they often overlook the profound role of faith. Religion is not merely a matter of soft power; it is a deeply embedded force that transcends borders, influences governance, and shapes the moral imperatives of global policy.
The Blind Spot
Historically, IR scholars have relegated religion to the margins, treating it as either a stabilizing force or a source of conflict. Dominant theories – realism, liberalism, and constructivism – tend to view religion through a utilitarian lens, if at all. In these frameworks, faith is often seen as an instrument for diplomacy, a cause of strife, or a cultural backdrop rather than a central driver of political and social change. Yet, this view fails to acknowledge how religion has shaped governance, national identities, and global institutions for centuries.
Consider the transformative power of Liberation Theology, which emerged in mid-20th century Latin America. Gustavo Gutiérrez, largely unknown outside scholarly and activist circles, revolutionized Christian doctrine by merging theology with political activism. His seminal work, A Theology of Liberation, reimagined faith as a tool for social justice, emphasizing economic equity and dismantling oppressive systems. Unlike traditional religious teachings that focused on salvation in the afterlife, Gutiérrez’s theology prioritized liberation in the present world.
His ideas did not remain confined to theological discourse; they became a catalyst for political change across Latin America. Liberation Theology challenged the complicity of religious institutions in maintaining the status quo, redefining faith as an active force in the struggle for justice. In doing so, Gutiérrez implicitly critiqued secular IR theories prioritizing state sovereignty and strategic interests over moral imperatives. His work raises a fundamental question: Can international relations ignore the ethical and moral dimensions that faith introduces into governance?
Similarly, Aga Khan IV, as the leader of the Ismaili Muslim community, demonstrated how faith could be integrated into global development. Through the Aga Khan Development Network, he advanced education, healthcare, and poverty alleviation initiatives – seamlessly blending religious values with governance. His work challenges the assumption that religion and international development operate separately. Unlike conventional IR approaches focusing on state actors and institutions, the Aga Khan’s efforts highlight how religious leadership can shape global policy, influence humanitarian efforts, and redefine diplomacy.
Beyond Soft Power: Religion as a Structural Force
These examples illustrate that religion is not an incidental variable in global politics – it is a dynamic force that challenges the secular foundations of IR. The dominance of secular models in diplomacy and governance often obscures the moral and ethical frameworks that faith-based movements bring to global affairs.
As a result, the failure to fully integrate religion into IR theory has led to an incomplete understanding of global dynamics. Classical realism, rooted in thinkers like Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz’s neo-realism, postulates that international politics is governed by an anarchic system where states seek power and security. In this framework, religion is either ignored or viewed as a secondary cultural factor. However, history suggests otherwise: religious ideologies have influenced national policies, legitimized wars, and shaped peace efforts. Just war theory, the moral justifications for humanitarian interventions, and religiously driven resistance movements all demonstrate faith’s enduring influence. This highlights the limitations of current IR theories in understanding the role of religion in global politics, and the need for a new approach.
Liberalism, though more open to non-state actors, also underestimates religion’s role. The assumption that modernization would lead to secularization proved flawed. Faith remains a powerful force in shaping political identities, influencing democratic movements, and legitimizing governance structures. Constructivism, which emphasizes the role of ideas and identities, has offered the most room for integrating religion into IR. However, it was only after events like the Iranian Revolution in 1979, the rise of political Islam, and 9/11 that religion’s impact on global affairs became undeniable.
While Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations (1996) did reinforce the idea that religious and cultural identities shape global conflicts and international politics, his thesis has been widely debated in that it oversimplified complex religious and political movements. The reality is that political Islam, for example, is not a monolithic force of extremism but encompasses a wide range of ideologies, including those advocating democracy, social justice, and reform.
Religion and Foreign Policy in a Post-secular World
The increasing visibility of religion in global affairs has led scholars such as Gregorio Bettiza and Jeffrey Haynes to examine its resurgence in foreign policy. Bettiza argues that we live in a “post-secular world” where faith is no longer a relic of the past but a critical force in shaping international norms and governance. This shift could have significant implications for how we understand and engage with global politics, and it underscores the importance of recognizing religion’s role in international relations. He further highlights the shift in U.S. foreign policy, where religious engagement has evolved from an afterthought to a strategic asset. Establishing the Office of International Religious Freedom, within the U.S. State Department in 1998, signalled a formal recognition by the White House of faith’s role in diplomacy.
Haynes identifies three primary channels through which religion influences foreign policy: as a political force, where religious leaders and institutions shape diplomatic agendas; as a moral framework, where theological values influence policy decisions; and as a mediator in conflict resolution. The Vatican’s role in peace negotiations, Saudi Arabia’s religious diplomacy, and the influence of evangelical Christianity on U.S. foreign policy exemplify these dynamics. However, these are just a few examples of how religion influences foreign policy. There are many more instances where religious beliefs and institutions shape diplomatic decisions and actions, highlighting the diverse and complex role of religion in global affairs.
Faith-based organizations (FBOs) like the lay Catholic association Italian Sant’Egidio Community have played key roles in peace processes in Africa and the Middle East, demonstrating religion’s ability to facilitate diplomacy where secular institutions struggle. The United Nations and other global bodies also increasingly collaborate with religious organizations on human rights issues, humanitarian aid, and ethical governance, recognizing their deep-rooted influence in communities worldwide.
The Resurgence of Religion in Global Politics
For much of the 20th century, the grand narrative of modernity assured us that religion, once a potent force in shaping empires and civilizations, would inevitably recede before the advance of secularism, democracy, and rational governance. Yet, as the century drew to a close, history wrenched itself from this neat teleology. The Iranian Revolution, shattering the Shah’s secularist monarchy and installing a theocratic order, was a deafening rebuttal to the idea that religion had no place in the halls of power. It was not merely a political upheaval but a transformation of the very concept of sovereignty, proving that faith could animate a state’s identity as forcefully as any ideology of the modern era.
The collapse of the Soviet Union provided another profound lesson in religion’s resilience. The once-marginalized Russian Orthodox Church reemerged not as a relic of the past but as a central pillar of national identity, seamlessly entwining itself with the Russian state. Under Vladimir Putin, Orthodoxy became more than a spiritual tradition – it became an instrument of governance, a moral framework justifying Russia’s geopolitical ambitions, from Crimea to Syria. In India, a different yet parallel resurgence took place under Narendra Modi, where the Hindutva project, rooted in religious nationalism, sought to reimagine the Indian polity not as the secular democracy of Nehru’s vision but as a civilization-state steeped in Hindu identity.
In South Korea religion was used as a counterpoint to the Northern neighbour’s communism, with U.S. influence reshaping South Korea’s political and religious landscape during the Cold War and beyond. Heonik Kwon and Jun Hwan Park’s 2022 book Spirit Power: Politics and Religion in Korea’s American Century examines how U.S. influence cemented Protestantism as both a political tool and a pillar of South Korea’s anti-communist state. Beyond domestic politics, Korean Protestantism expanded its global reach, intertwining religious influence with diplomacy and soft power. Yet, as Kyuhoon Cho’s 2013 dissertation the Appropriation of Religion: The Re-formation of the Korean Notion of Religion in Global Society highlights, this once-unifying force has become increasingly contentious. Once central to national identity and modernization, Protestantism is now seen as sectarian and obstructive to Korea’s global ambitions. Both works reveal religion in Korea as a fluid construct, continuously reshaped by political, legal, and cultural forces.
Europe, long considered the bastion of secularism, has not been immune to this global return of the sacred. The revival of Catholicism in Polish politics is a striking example, where the Church, once a force of resistance against communist rule, has become a key player in shaping national policies on migration, LGBTQ+ rights, and European integration. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán has recast Christianity as the ideological bedrock of his nationalist project, wielding religious rhetoric to justify his vision of an “illiberal democracy” and positioning Hungary as a defender of Europe’s Christian heritage against perceived external threats. Even in France, where laïcité is held as an almost sacred principle, debates around the role of Islam in public life have shown that secularism itself can function as a kind of religious orthodoxy, revealing the deep entanglement of faith and politics beneath the surface of European modernity.
As can be seen, States and international institutions have increasingly recognized the utility of religion as a policy instrument. The post-Cold War period witnessed the incorporation of faith-based initiatives into governance and diplomacy and FBOs have become pivotal in humanitarian efforts, leveraging moral authority and grassroots networks to provide aid where state institutions falter. The role of Caritas, Islamic Relief, and the World Council of Churches among others in delivering disaster relief and development assistance also underscores the effectiveness of religious institutions as partners in global governance.
Likewise, religion has also been instrumental in peace building and conflict resolution. The Catholic Church played a crucial role in mediating the end of civil wars in Latin America, while Islamic scholars have been engaged in counter-radicalization efforts to combat extremism. Religious actors’ ability to navigate local cultural landscapes makes them indispensable intermediaries in diplomatic negotiations.
Canada also recognizes the vital role FBOs play in international development, including the health sector. The Canadian government often partners with FBOs to deliver aid and development programs in Africa and other regions. These partnerships leverage the FBOs community connections, local knowledge, and often strong ethical framework. Stephen Harper’s 2011-2014 Muskoka Initiative, which committed Canada to improving the health and saving the lives of women and children in developing countries via several religious and non-religious based organizations was a case in point.
But when it comes to Canada, we cannot ignore the undercurrents in Canadian society typified by Quebec’s 2019, Bill 21, also called An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State. It is a very controversial secularism law that bars public employees from wearing religious symbols at work. Critics argue it institutionalizes discrimination, while the province defends it as a safeguard of state neutrality. More recently, Canada’s Supreme Court has created a minor uproar by agreeing to hear a challenge to the Act.
Re-evaluating IR Theories
The resurgence of religion in global politics demands a re-evaluation of IR theories. Realism must account for religious legitimacy as a form of power, particularly in theocratic states like Iran and Saudi Arabia. Liberalism must recognize that international institutions now engage FBOs in governance and diplomacy. And it is Constructivism, emphasizing identity and discourse, that offers the most comprehensive framework for understanding religion’s impact on state behaviour and international norms.
Simon Polinder’s 2024 book, Towards a New Christian Political Realism, challenges the inadequacies of mainstream international relations (IR) theories in addressing religion, and instead offers a framework rooted in “Christian realism.” Drawing on the Amsterdam School of Philosophy, Polinder presents a nuanced vision that neither advocates theocracy nor imposes Christian values on global politics. Instead, he argues for a realism informed by Christian principles – particularly creation, fall, and redemption – that balances moral conviction and pragmatic engagement. His exploration of sphere sovereignty offers a fresh perspective on the interplay between faith, state, and international institutions, avoiding state idolatry and overly individualistic approaches. While the book’s theoretical depth is a strength, some readers may find its lack of concrete policy applications a limitation. Nonetheless, his work is a significant and thought-provoking contribution, bridging the gap between secular realism and idealistic faith-based approaches in global affairs.
Apart from such an exception, for much of the 20th century, IR scholars dismissed religion as a relic of history. Yet, from political movements to humanitarian aid and national identities to global diplomacy, faith has proven relevant and indispensable. Ignoring religion in international relations is no longer an option. Instead, scholars and policymakers must recognize it as a fundamental force shaping the world – a force that, like diplomacy and strategy, is woven into the fabric of global affairs.
